The parliamentary alliance announced between the PSD and PRM signifies many things. It reveals once again how resourceful the PSD can be in its ceaseless bid to capture power. In terms of tactics and mounting surprise political operations, it is far more skilful than the shipwrecked Alianta parties even when they were united. It can embrace the Hungarians as long lost brothers in one political season, find room for the Roma on its electoral lists in another, and now make common cause with the declared enemy of impertinent minorities during this merry month of May. The timing of the PSD-PRM pact is probably also an indication that there should be no remaining worries about Romania joining the EU some time soon. Brussels will have an attitude of resigned tolerance towards the colourful politics of Romania as long as there is no retreat to barbarism as happened in June 1990. Talk of the pact was already in the air during the visit of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, the Danish inspector general of the European socialist ranks. He showed no embarrassment about being quizzed about such an alliance. In Denmark he would not be seen dead with Vadim's counterpart, Pia Kjaersgaard , the leader of the Danish People's Party. But some things will have been explained to him by Mircea Geoana: Nationalism still a key feature of political culture here and probably will be well into the future. The PSD must repair its house with nationalist bricks and morter. Criticism of the Hungarians will be unavoidable if the PSD is to ever recover in Transylvania. Besides, the pact with Vadim will only be a tactical arrangement not a genuine meeting of minds. Also, it is much better to have the nationalists inside the big political tent rather than outside since it is easier to control them that way. And if none of that works, Mr Rasmussen can be reminded that 'After all this is Romania not Denmark'! Mr Rasmussen is an obliging Dane who as Prime Minister in the 1990s did not ask too many questions about Danish aid going to unenlightened Third World regimes. He was indulgent towards Adrian Nastase until he proved unable to conceal his immodest wealth ore explain how he had acquired it, but now Rasmussen thinks he is a patriot for resigning his public offices. He is prepared to admit that the PSD needs the crude but effective skills of Marian Vanghelie in order for the PSD to win back Bucharest. Geoana is showing his adaptability by promoting such figures. After all, he needs to show that he is authentic, not an artificial international personage divorced from Romania. But hopefully, he will recruit younger dynamic figures from the generation which, since 1989, people have said is just waiting to transform Romania. He is the great balancer, someone who can reconcile different tendencies. He has no rough edges, alarming wealth, or sinister past. But he can be ruthless when called for, intimidating the founder of the PSD in a way that Nastase could never do. Who is to say that the gang of 'revolutionaries' calling for Iliescu's expulsion from the PSD was not hired by someone close to Geoana in order to make sure that the old man realises that his days at the top are gone forever. Mircea Geoana fought for Romania on the tennis courts of Washington and the cocktail circuits of Western Europe. His ability to charm and schmooze helped in no small way to bring Romania into NATO. He will have no trouble convincing the Eurocrats that nationalism can be a useful safety-valve in the hands of the PSD. Vadim can be contained if he is tolerated and humoured rather than banished to the political wilderness. If Iliescu or Nastase had made a similar deal with Romania's No 1 extremist during the years of negotiations with the EU, of course there would have been uproar. But thanks to Geoana's mesmeric powers, Rasmussen and all the other Eurocrats have forgotten that abandonment of nationalism was a key condition imposed by Brussels for starting serious negotiations after 2000. In the eyes of top Europeans, Geoana is the man they want to keep the disorderly mahalele of Romania under control. If he promotes Vanghelie or makes a pact with Vadim, it is a sign of how hard-headed this deceptively smooth diplomat is in his quest for political power. Most certainly Geoana wants to show the Romanian voters that he has eaten soya and salami in the outskirts as well as caviar and pate de foie gras in the fashionable salons of the West.

Tom Gallagher